On January 4, 2008, Burma marked the 60th anniversary of its independence with military leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe invoking the Burmese people to “make a firm resolve to build a new, peaceful, modern and developed discipline-flourishing nation.”

Such is the irony that in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, the treacherous dictator could not summon just an ounce of that sentiment as he denied humanitarian aid into the Irrawaddy delta that could have saved hundreds, more likely thousands, of lives.

Of all the humanitarian crises the world has seen over the years, Burma surely forms the best model as an opportunity for humanitarian intervention. Indeed, the United Nations would be hard put to find an example of a more deserving time and place for humanitarian intervention without the host government’s approval.

With a second cyclone brewing, aid distribution failing and the Burmese junta unwilling to compromise, the imposition of international aid would appear the only humane course of action.

However, a commitment must be undertaken to see the mission through to success, with a pledge to occupy the area and not leave until it is ascertained that the cyclone victims are out of harm’s way—from disease, malnutrition and junta reprisals.

After all, any large-scale relief mission or humanitarian intervention will likely receive a warm welcome from the majority of Burmese, but not from the sullen generals. They will make plans to fight back, one way or another.
 
The case for humanitarian intervention under the “Responsibility to Protect” paradigm has been gaining momentum in the corridors of power in recent days. Although not a UN resolution or a statute under international law, the “Responsibility to Protect,” or “R2P,” is a framework in the case of “national authorities manifestly failing to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.”

In the case of Burma’s generals, “crimes against humanity” would seem the most fitting legal description of their callousness and heartlessness.

The R2P doctrine was prepared by a UN commission and proposed by then Secretary-General Kofi Annan at the UN in New York in 2005. Examples of how the doctrine may have been applied effectively were cited as Bosnia, Rwanda and, more recently, the Darfur region of Sudan.

The paradigm was endorsed by 191 signatory nations.

The R2P would appear to offer licenses to countries such as France, Britain and the US to airlift humanitarian supplies into Burma, although China and Russia would undoubtedly oppose the move.

Britain's foreign secretary David Miliband, speaking to the BBC on May 11, said the Burmese regime is “perpetrating a policy of malign neglect” and that the possibility of intervention was “on the table.”

Then, on May 13, Miliband added a cutting edge to his comments, saying “military action on humanitarian grounds is an option,” while pointing out that the British warship HMS Westminster was being deployed near Burmese waters, alongside French and US military and naval vessels.

Reports suggest that Burmese survivors in cyclone-hit areas are constantly looking up to the skies for the delivery of supplies as they have heard the news about possible airdrops from foreign-based radio stations.

While the West mobilizes and the politicians talk, 12 deadly days have gone by since the cyclone hammered the delta. The efforts of the regime to handle the situation single-handedly have failed miserably.

We hear some aid has been stolen by the authorities, some of it turning up on the black market. Now, several news agencies are reporting that the generals are hoarding the international relief for themselves and their cronies, while delivering spoiled foods and low-grade rice tainted with saltwater to the victims in the delta.

The UN secretary-general’s spokesperson, Michèle Montas, acknowledged that the UN is concerned about the possibility of diversion of aid and relief material, although they do not have any independent report regarding the matter.

“It is a fact that a very small percentage of the victims so far have received the aid,” she said. “But from yesterday until today, from what I read, you saw that the situation has improved in terms of the delivery of aid. It is not improving as fast as we would wish,” she added.

Local and foreign journalists—working undercover—have attempted to report from the delta, though filming and photography are not permitted and armed police checkpoints curtail foreigners, reporters and aid workers from traveling to the delta. 

The state-run media may try to paint a different picture with their footage of military leaders and officials handing out aid parcels.