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| Based on predictable shortcomings, it's possible—highly likely even—that Burma will have to hold another constitutional convention within a generation. |
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| Several participants express support for the 2010 election at a recent political forum in Rangoon involving dissidents, politicians, former political prisoners and students. |
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| Burma's first general elections in two decades will be free, fair and credible, the country's foreign minister told his Southeast Asian neighbors at a regional conference in Vietnam. |
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| Several ethnic leaders reaffirm that they will not participate in the election without a review of the 2008 Constitutional and the release of all political prisoners. |
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| Commentary |
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| By KAY LATT |
| Time is running out for a genuine dialogue before the election, and the regime is moving ahead despite all appeals by democratic groups and ethnic nationalities. |
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| By AUNG NAING OO |
| Before Burma’s 1990 general elections, detractors of the Burmese military regime cried foul against the repressive and restrictive conditions of the polls. |
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| By HTET AUNG |
| If the Burmese military believes that it deserves the privilege to govern, then it should be brave enough to compete with politicians and political parties within an open and fair parliamentary framework. |
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| Contributor |
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| By BAMARGYI |
| The NLD must reorganize itself along new lines and bring in new, innovate, energetic leaders and members. |
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Dear readers,
The general election that Burma’s military regime plans to hold in 2010 will be the 15th in the country’s history—and the first for many young people now eligible to vote. Almost all the previous elections were held either in the time of the British colonial administration or during the authoritarian regimes that followed, culminating in the 1990 vote that drew about 15 million people, nearly one third of the population, to polling stations throughout the country. That election resulted in a landslide victory for the pro-democracy National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi and ignored by a military regime intent on clinging to power.
Twenty years later, the regime plans to again seek legitimacy by obtaining a popular mandate in an election seen by many observers as a maneuver to establish a permanent role for the military in the political arena.
While these observers and political activists believe the election will not be free and fair, some observers insist that it is the only game in town since the regime is immune to any pressure and attempt at persuasion.
Like it or not, therefore, the upcoming election will be a significant event—positively or negatively—in the country’s two decades-long political deadlock. The Irrawaddy will be closely following the lead-up to the election in a new online section, Election Watch, appearing regularly and providing readers with full coverage of constitution issues, election-related reports and in-depth analysis.
The Irrawaddy
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